<p>Defying dire warnings that it would be a land cleft asunder within a decade, the Republic of India, a profoundly feudal and impoverished country at the time of its independence and fraught with casteist, religious and linguistic divisions, has survived as a strong nation-state. Unlike most post-colonial countries, democracy in India has taken deep roots. It is home to a strong middle class, has a vibrant diaspora and is a rising global power with the world's fifth-largest economy.</p>.<p>If Jawaharlal Nehru was the first among equals in shaping post-independent India's institutions, the country was fortunate to have bureaucrats and judges with the grit to check executive overreach and army generals who respected democratically elected leadership. When Nehru gave the newly constituted Election Commission less than a year to hold the inaugural general elections, Sukumar Sen, India's first election commissioner, sought time and patience.</p>.<p>In those early years, the judiciary frequently stood up to Parliament and politicians. Angered by his probe into the Mundhra scam of 1957, Nehru described Justice Vivian Bose as "lacking in intelligence" but expressed "deep regret" and sent letters of apology when the Calcutta High Court ticked him off. "I want you to know that I did not take your remarks seriously and that I was not in the least worried or upset," replied Bose to Nehru.</p>.<p><a href="https://www.deccanherald.com/tag/independence-day" target="_blank"><strong>Track DH's Independence Day Coverage Here</strong></a><br /><br />As India celebrates 75 years of independence, the weakening of its institutions and centralisation of power is the gravest danger to its robust democracy. The process started in the 1970s during the Indira Gandhi years with the talk of 'committed judiciary and bureaucracy' and has accelerated in recent years, endangering the administration of justice and the rule of law.</p>.<p>But the increased voter participation, particularly of women and marginalised sections in elections, and the need that all political parties feel to connect with voters in between election years through mass mobilisation campaigns remains a redeeming feature despite the increased play of money power. The anti-Emergency movement of 1975, the anti-corruption movement of 2011 and even mass protests in recent years against the Citizenship Amendment Act and farm laws, forcing the government on the back foot, suggest 'We the People' remain central to the 'idea of India'.</p>.<p>The participation of the people is most evident in their increased trust in the 'efficacy of vote'. Voter turnout increased from 46% in the first Lok Sabha elections in 1952 to 67% in 2019. The turnout amongst OBC and Dalit voters has increased in the post-Mandal years. The turnout amongst tribal voters has surpassed the national average. The gender gap in voter turnout has reduced from 15% in the 1950s to less than 1% in 2019. As many as 81% of women say their menfolk did not decide their voting behaviour. In several recently held Assembly polls, more women have voted than men. According to a CSDS study, 63% of Indian voters believed their vote had an effect until two decades back. The number had increased to 70% by 2019.</p>.<p>The process has undoubtedly been slow. But recruitment in government services from across castes and religions or the representation of Dalits and OBCs in the political system is in stark contrast to the situation in 1947, when wealthy barristers, former princes and upper caste elite monopolised the levers of power in government, politics and business. Positive discrimination has given a stake in the system to SCs, STs, and OBCs. The 33% quota for women in panchayats and local bodies could get extended to Assemblies and Parliament in the coming years.</p>.<p>As India looks at the next 25 years, the widening disparity could erode the equality of vote. According to the 'World Inequality Report 2022', India is one of the most unequal countries in the world, with rising poverty and an 'affluent elite.' Oxfam reports have expressed concern about the increasing concentration of wealth in the last decade. India might rank 5th in GDP but it is 140th in GDP per capita globally. The rising disparity and regional imbalance are compounded by the state abdicating its responsibilities to provide affordable healthcare and education to the poor. The government is withdrawing from delivering services only the state can provide in a developing country as it embarks on unbridled privatisation and paints social welfare schemes as freebies.</p>.<p>At 75, the Republic of India is a strong sovereign nation-state with a strong economy and is a rising global power. But the commitment that 'we the people' made to ourselves on November 26, 1949, to give ourselves a nation with justice, liberty, equality and fraternity for all its citizens needs fighting for.</p>.<p><em>(The author is a senior journalist.)</em></p>
<p>Defying dire warnings that it would be a land cleft asunder within a decade, the Republic of India, a profoundly feudal and impoverished country at the time of its independence and fraught with casteist, religious and linguistic divisions, has survived as a strong nation-state. Unlike most post-colonial countries, democracy in India has taken deep roots. It is home to a strong middle class, has a vibrant diaspora and is a rising global power with the world's fifth-largest economy.</p>.<p>If Jawaharlal Nehru was the first among equals in shaping post-independent India's institutions, the country was fortunate to have bureaucrats and judges with the grit to check executive overreach and army generals who respected democratically elected leadership. When Nehru gave the newly constituted Election Commission less than a year to hold the inaugural general elections, Sukumar Sen, India's first election commissioner, sought time and patience.</p>.<p>In those early years, the judiciary frequently stood up to Parliament and politicians. Angered by his probe into the Mundhra scam of 1957, Nehru described Justice Vivian Bose as "lacking in intelligence" but expressed "deep regret" and sent letters of apology when the Calcutta High Court ticked him off. "I want you to know that I did not take your remarks seriously and that I was not in the least worried or upset," replied Bose to Nehru.</p>.<p><a href="https://www.deccanherald.com/tag/independence-day" target="_blank"><strong>Track DH's Independence Day Coverage Here</strong></a><br /><br />As India celebrates 75 years of independence, the weakening of its institutions and centralisation of power is the gravest danger to its robust democracy. The process started in the 1970s during the Indira Gandhi years with the talk of 'committed judiciary and bureaucracy' and has accelerated in recent years, endangering the administration of justice and the rule of law.</p>.<p>But the increased voter participation, particularly of women and marginalised sections in elections, and the need that all political parties feel to connect with voters in between election years through mass mobilisation campaigns remains a redeeming feature despite the increased play of money power. The anti-Emergency movement of 1975, the anti-corruption movement of 2011 and even mass protests in recent years against the Citizenship Amendment Act and farm laws, forcing the government on the back foot, suggest 'We the People' remain central to the 'idea of India'.</p>.<p>The participation of the people is most evident in their increased trust in the 'efficacy of vote'. Voter turnout increased from 46% in the first Lok Sabha elections in 1952 to 67% in 2019. The turnout amongst OBC and Dalit voters has increased in the post-Mandal years. The turnout amongst tribal voters has surpassed the national average. The gender gap in voter turnout has reduced from 15% in the 1950s to less than 1% in 2019. As many as 81% of women say their menfolk did not decide their voting behaviour. In several recently held Assembly polls, more women have voted than men. According to a CSDS study, 63% of Indian voters believed their vote had an effect until two decades back. The number had increased to 70% by 2019.</p>.<p>The process has undoubtedly been slow. But recruitment in government services from across castes and religions or the representation of Dalits and OBCs in the political system is in stark contrast to the situation in 1947, when wealthy barristers, former princes and upper caste elite monopolised the levers of power in government, politics and business. Positive discrimination has given a stake in the system to SCs, STs, and OBCs. The 33% quota for women in panchayats and local bodies could get extended to Assemblies and Parliament in the coming years.</p>.<p>As India looks at the next 25 years, the widening disparity could erode the equality of vote. According to the 'World Inequality Report 2022', India is one of the most unequal countries in the world, with rising poverty and an 'affluent elite.' Oxfam reports have expressed concern about the increasing concentration of wealth in the last decade. India might rank 5th in GDP but it is 140th in GDP per capita globally. The rising disparity and regional imbalance are compounded by the state abdicating its responsibilities to provide affordable healthcare and education to the poor. The government is withdrawing from delivering services only the state can provide in a developing country as it embarks on unbridled privatisation and paints social welfare schemes as freebies.</p>.<p>At 75, the Republic of India is a strong sovereign nation-state with a strong economy and is a rising global power. But the commitment that 'we the people' made to ourselves on November 26, 1949, to give ourselves a nation with justice, liberty, equality and fraternity for all its citizens needs fighting for.</p>.<p><em>(The author is a senior journalist.)</em></p>