<p>With the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) pulling off stunning victories in three out of five states in the recently held assembly polls, the party seems to have a head start for the 2024 Lok Sabha polls powered by the Narendra Modi juggernaut. In this context, it is important to understand the role of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological mentor of the BJP, and what is the relationship between the Modi-led BJP and the RSS.</p><p>Since 2014, there has been an attempt to create a false bogey that there has been a tussle between the RSS and the BJP as Modi’s larger-than-life stature has put the RSS on the backfoot. Nothing could be farther from the truth. The relationship between the two has been well-defined and there is a robust co-ordination mechanism between the two, which in addition to the ‘Modi’ factor, is a key in the BJP’s rapid expansion.</p><p>The problem arises because many analysts tend to look at the RSS from the BJP’s perspective unaware of the above-mentioned co-ordination, which started with the setting up of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), the erstwhile avatar of the BJP. The BJS was formed in 1951 by Syama Prasad Mookerjee. The RSS, at that time, loaned out a few of its functionaries including full-time workers (<em>pracharaks</em>) to this new political outfit to help it build up an organisational structure.</p><p>Meanwhile, after the ban on the RSS that had been imposed in 1948 was lifted in 1949, there was a debate within the sangh. As no political party supported the RSS during the period of the ban, a section within the organisation was in favour of turning the RSS into a political party. However, this debate was put to rest after M S Golwalkar, the RSS’ then <em>sarsanghchalak</em> (head), took a stand that the RSS would not enter politics and would continue to work in the socio-cultural sphere. The official stand of the RSS hasn’t changed since then — and isn’t likely to change.</p> .A bill for control over all communications.<p>As far as the relationship with the BJP is concerned, it has also evolved since the days of the BJS. The RSS <em>pracharaks</em> worked to build the organisation in the BJS and later the BJP. Hence, they were traditionally given the responsibility of organisational secretaries, known as ‘<em>sangathan mantri</em>’. As the BJP has expanded, they are now assisted by some deputies called ‘<em>sah sangathan mantri</em>’ (assistant organisational secretaries) at both the state and national level.</p><p>A struggle between the RSS and the BJP is unlikely because of the dynamics of the relationship. <a href="https://deccanherald.quintype.com/story/new">T</a>he RSS volunteers who have joined politics and are holding important positions have been trained at the <em>shakhas</em> to focus on nation-building, and they can reach out to RSS’ functionaries if at any point they need guidance or support. This ‘working arrangement’ has been built on the foundation of mutual trust, and confidence in each other with an understanding that politics has its compulsions too, and, hence, one shouldn’t overburden the<em> swayamsevaks</em> in politics with unreasonable expectations. </p><p>One must not forget that the two Prime Ministers that the BJP gave to the country — Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Modi — were RSS <em>pracharaks</em>. With their domains defined, the BJP and the RSS are on the same page.</p><p>The RSS continues to operate through its 60,000-plus daily <em>shakhas</em> and at least three dozen organisations run by its volunteers carrying out a wide range of socio-cultural activities. These volunteers support the BJP and Modi because they feel that this government is on the right track towards nation building. It must not be forgotten that with no formal membership the RSS cannot compel its volunteers to support any political party. Given this, there has never been any formal central guideline or command to vote or support any leader or party by the RSS top brass.</p><p>In September 2018, in a three-day interaction with leaders from various walks of life at Vigyan Bhavan in Delhi, the current RSS <em>sarsanghchalak,</em> Mohan Bhagwat, was asked that why does the RSS ‘loan’ out its workers to the BJP only and not any other political party. Bhagwat’s reply defines the RSS-BJP relationship: “No other party has asked for it. If any other party comes to us, we will think about it.”</p><p><em>(Arun Anand has authored two books on the RSS. X: @ArunAnandLive.)</em></p><p><em>Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.</em></p>
<p>With the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) pulling off stunning victories in three out of five states in the recently held assembly polls, the party seems to have a head start for the 2024 Lok Sabha polls powered by the Narendra Modi juggernaut. In this context, it is important to understand the role of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological mentor of the BJP, and what is the relationship between the Modi-led BJP and the RSS.</p><p>Since 2014, there has been an attempt to create a false bogey that there has been a tussle between the RSS and the BJP as Modi’s larger-than-life stature has put the RSS on the backfoot. Nothing could be farther from the truth. The relationship between the two has been well-defined and there is a robust co-ordination mechanism between the two, which in addition to the ‘Modi’ factor, is a key in the BJP’s rapid expansion.</p><p>The problem arises because many analysts tend to look at the RSS from the BJP’s perspective unaware of the above-mentioned co-ordination, which started with the setting up of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), the erstwhile avatar of the BJP. The BJS was formed in 1951 by Syama Prasad Mookerjee. The RSS, at that time, loaned out a few of its functionaries including full-time workers (<em>pracharaks</em>) to this new political outfit to help it build up an organisational structure.</p><p>Meanwhile, after the ban on the RSS that had been imposed in 1948 was lifted in 1949, there was a debate within the sangh. As no political party supported the RSS during the period of the ban, a section within the organisation was in favour of turning the RSS into a political party. However, this debate was put to rest after M S Golwalkar, the RSS’ then <em>sarsanghchalak</em> (head), took a stand that the RSS would not enter politics and would continue to work in the socio-cultural sphere. The official stand of the RSS hasn’t changed since then — and isn’t likely to change.</p> .A bill for control over all communications.<p>As far as the relationship with the BJP is concerned, it has also evolved since the days of the BJS. The RSS <em>pracharaks</em> worked to build the organisation in the BJS and later the BJP. Hence, they were traditionally given the responsibility of organisational secretaries, known as ‘<em>sangathan mantri</em>’. As the BJP has expanded, they are now assisted by some deputies called ‘<em>sah sangathan mantri</em>’ (assistant organisational secretaries) at both the state and national level.</p><p>A struggle between the RSS and the BJP is unlikely because of the dynamics of the relationship. <a href="https://deccanherald.quintype.com/story/new">T</a>he RSS volunteers who have joined politics and are holding important positions have been trained at the <em>shakhas</em> to focus on nation-building, and they can reach out to RSS’ functionaries if at any point they need guidance or support. This ‘working arrangement’ has been built on the foundation of mutual trust, and confidence in each other with an understanding that politics has its compulsions too, and, hence, one shouldn’t overburden the<em> swayamsevaks</em> in politics with unreasonable expectations. </p><p>One must not forget that the two Prime Ministers that the BJP gave to the country — Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Modi — were RSS <em>pracharaks</em>. With their domains defined, the BJP and the RSS are on the same page.</p><p>The RSS continues to operate through its 60,000-plus daily <em>shakhas</em> and at least three dozen organisations run by its volunteers carrying out a wide range of socio-cultural activities. These volunteers support the BJP and Modi because they feel that this government is on the right track towards nation building. It must not be forgotten that with no formal membership the RSS cannot compel its volunteers to support any political party. Given this, there has never been any formal central guideline or command to vote or support any leader or party by the RSS top brass.</p><p>In September 2018, in a three-day interaction with leaders from various walks of life at Vigyan Bhavan in Delhi, the current RSS <em>sarsanghchalak,</em> Mohan Bhagwat, was asked that why does the RSS ‘loan’ out its workers to the BJP only and not any other political party. Bhagwat’s reply defines the RSS-BJP relationship: “No other party has asked for it. If any other party comes to us, we will think about it.”</p><p><em>(Arun Anand has authored two books on the RSS. X: @ArunAnandLive.)</em></p><p><em>Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.</em></p>