The numbers 3, 13, 15, 36 may be just digits to most. But in the rugged terrain of Bundelkhand, they mean much more for the Rajputs (also called Kshatriyas and Thakurs).
They denote the position of particular sub-castes in Rajpur hierarchy; the region and the caste falling in the number 3 (Teen Puri) do not want to have matrimonial relationships with those in the other two categories.
Tomar and Sengar and others, who belong to 3 do not prefer marriage with Rajputs from 13 and 36, says Jitendra Chouhan in Khailar village of Jhansi district, after reasoning in detail why he supports the BJP and why Thakurs, Brahmins and Vaishyas will not like to vote for Samajwadi Party with Yadavs. Rajputs, who are primarily divided among Suryavanshi, Chandravanshi and Nagvanshi have 36 subdivisions.
In Bundelkhand region, there are Tomar, Sengar, Bundela, Chauhan, Parmar, Khangar, Chandel and many other sub-castes of Kshatriyas, whose political preferences though remain by and large the same, in their social relations the hierarchical divide remains.
"Hum teenpuri waale terahpuri aur chhattispuri waalon se byah ka sambandh nahin rakhte. (Us from 3 do not get into matrimonial alliances with 13 and 36)," is the repeat refrain Jamalpur village in Lalitpur district.
An outer wall of a house has a bold slogan of "Sarva Jatiya Kanya Vivah Sammelan 2021 (All caste girl marriage conference 2021). Asked whether such conferences also see inter-caste marriages happening, Khelan Yadav almost shouts "why will they marry in other castes? Everyone marries in his or her caste be it among backward classes, scheduled castes or upper castes." He says the intrinsic relationship of livelihood dependence keeps communities together. Clearly the relationship of 'roti' (livelihood) and 'beti' (marriage) have different parameters.
Politics fall in between and people have learnt to live with their conflicting political choices in the region, though many from the relatively weaker castes (other than Thakur and Yadav) have turned discreet in making their choice public. "This is a double engine government. If not one, the other picks up (utha le jaati hai) the opponent," says Guddu with a smirk.
"Saanp wa moye ki dosti na ho sakat hai, bhedia aur bhed ki dosti na ho sakat hai (there cannot be friendship between the snake and the mongoose, there can be ties between the wolf and the lamb," says an old man from the Ahirwar (cobbler) caste at Revan village in Mauranipur and saying that most of the Ahirwars will vote for BSP. BJP supporter Brinda Lal, however, says the people from SCs have been the biggest beneficiaries of free ration, which they are now getting twice post pandemic.
"Free foodgrain distribution will have its impact," he argues even as the crowd gathered to collect the foodgrain remain detached from the political debate. However, Kori caste among Dalits engaged in the weaving profession shows a preference for the BJP. "The vote of Kori Samaj is for BJP and NDA," says Balmukund Kori.
Thakurs and Brahmins strongly backed BJP but some divide in Brahmin vote is seen this time. The encounter killing of gangster Vikas Dubey from the Brahmin caste in Kanpur crops up during the discussion.
While Kushwahas, who had voted for the BJP in 2017, show a general preference for SP (prominent Kushwaha leader Swami Prasad Murya resigned from BJP and joined SP in January) and then BSP, the BJP has managed to capture the imagination of Kurmi caste (NDA ally Apna Dal's leader Anupriya Patel and BJP state chief Swatantra Dev Singh, who belongs to Jalaun in Bundelkhand) hail from the same region.
Unlike Bihar, where the NDA has achieved a Lav (Kurmi) Kush (Kushwaha or Koiri) unity (Nitish Kumar is a Kurmi and Upendra Kushwaha a Koiri), NDA has not been able to paper over this divide in Bundelkhand region in UP. "This time there is no wave. The scene is very muddled. Last time I even voted for the BJP but Yadavs are now firmly back to SP," says Lakshman Singh Yadav at Purabaheda village.
As questions are raised about employment, BJP supporter Ayodhya Prasad Sahu retorts, "if only those with two kids give tax, those giving birth to 12 kids (a veiled reference to Muslims, which has been fiercely contested in past) will enjoy, how will employment come."
But such a polarised discourse is uncommon in the region and a factor is where low percentage of Muslim voters. BJP, which had not won a single of 19 Assembly seats in 2007, won all the 19 in 2017. 2022 appears somewhat in the middle for the saffron party. Most of the opinion polls predicted the BJP to be winning around 15 seats.
With campaign having ended for the second phase of polls on Saturday, leaders from all parties have a carpet bombing campaign plan in Bundelkhand, which goes to polls on February 20 and February 23. Backwards and dalit voter far outnumber upper caste and minorities in the region.
On Saturday, Mayawati addressing a rally in the state, she attacked both Congress and BJP saying while the former was "anti-Dalit, anti-tribal and anti-other backward classes since its inception", the Dalits and the backward classes have not been able to get the full benefit of reservation in the state "because the BJP got most of the government work done through the private sector".
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