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The discussion around the Hema committee report on the treatment of women artistes and technicians in the Malayalam film industry has opened up a broader debate on women's labour participation and their experience in various sectors in general.
It may be surprising for observers to see that a state (Kerala), which has purportedly provided more agency to women, is witnessing instances of discrimination. The reality, however, is that the underlying issues have always existed and remain unresolved.
Kerala, with all its high achievements in social indicators, is a land of paradoxes. One such paradoxical outcome pertains to women in the state. Girls make up 51.4 per cent (2020) of students at the higher secondary level and approximately 60 per cent at the undergraduate and postgraduate levels. In 2021-2022, the state recorded a higher Gender Parity Index (GPI) — an index designed to measure the relative access to education of males and females. Kerala scored 1.44, surpassing the national average of 1.01, indicating a disparity in favour of females.
Despite all these, Kerala falls short in women's labour market participation. Not only is the proportion of employed women in Kerala low, but a higher percentage of women are unemployed in the state. For those in the age of 15 and above in Kerala, labour force participation is 70 per cent for men, while the figure for women is only 29.9 per cent as of April-June 2024 (CWS) data. According to the National Employment Service’s Live Registry, 63.9 per cent of the job seekers in the state are women, while 36.1 per cent are men. It is an interesting case study that explains the political-economic reasons for such a low level of participation as well as low levels of workforce integration.
Kerala’s socio-political context is important in understanding the position enjoyed by women in leadership roles and the job market for decades. Though the state has witnessed and experienced various social reform movements starting from the latter half of the 19th century, there have not been any decisive movements attacking patriarchy at a larger scale. Most movements aimed at freedom from caste-based suppression and demanded equity among all; gender parity in terms of economic participation, health, and political involvement was largely missing as a dominant theme or struggle.
At the same time, the thrust on education by these movements, along with the realisation that education is the way to liberation from economic struggles and gaining self-respect, led more girls to opt for education. Thus, on the education front, the state did well but gender parity in all other areas lagged.
The political class and religious organisations have had a huge influence on societal norms due to their cadre structures. Still, they never considered women's leadership within their ranks as a demonstration and commitment to the gender cause. The gender movements were a late starter in the 20th century, and by that time Kerala had witnessed a boom in economic migration to West Asia. Working-age men migrated, leaving the responsibility of caring for parents and children to the women at home. This resulted in the demand for labour in agriculture farms and the construction industry, and women continued their struggle in these labour-intensive areas despite calls for better or equal pay from various quarters. Many women also moved into domestic help as the middle class began to emerge in Kerala.
As for Kerala’s educated women, they had fewer opportunities to start with as a competent labour market needed to be included. Most of them were absorbed into Kerala's most organised job market at that time, teaching and the other vacancies in schools and colleges. Some others moved into the banking sector as foreign remittance demands emerged, resulting in more bank branches opening. The rest tried their luck in the PSC exams to get into government jobs.
Even though the service sector started dominating Kerala’s economic growth, the rules and regulations, such as in the Shops & Establishment Act and labour acts, among others, did not allow women especially, but the sector as a whole, to scale up and generate more employment. Various studies across the regions in recent years could be verified in the Kerala context also- women's labour participation depends a lot on the overall job market growth and availability.
Job creation in Kerala has been very slow and poor compared to the number of graduates in the market, as evidenced by the employment exchange data. Neither has the manufacturing sector created job opportunities, nor have the existing provisions in the Factories and Labour Acts helped. Diversity in the job market has been missing in Kerala for decades. At the same time, the remittance also resulted in less demand for women to work to support their families. These relative improvements in family income have retained the patriarchal dominance in decision-making, with men continuing to hold primary authority.
All factors combined, it becomes clear why, despite high qualifications, it is difficult for women to secure employment as opposed to their male counterparts. High-income jobs are absent in Kerala to meet the demands of the aspiring workforce. The state’s focus has been more on the upliftment of women from the socially backward setting, while the upward mobility of the women's workforce has been sidelined.
Overemphasis on the MSME and co-operative sectors largely deprived the upscaling of many sectors, thus reducing growth. Land conversion regulations are another factor that has restricted labour growth in Kerala. Given this context, due to the lack of high-income jobs coupled with conservative social norms, women in Kerala find it lucrative to migrate after completing professional courses or training in high-demand fields like nursing.
To better improve female workforce participation, Kerala needs to create a diverse pool of jobs and well-paying employment opportunities. This requires simultaneous efforts in all aspects ranging from improving investments, easing legal barriers that unintentionally disadvantage women, and strengthening support systems and care infrastructure among others.
(D Dhanuraj is chairman, and Nissy Solomon is senior research associate at the Centre for Public Policy Research, Kochi.)
Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the authors' own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.