Representative Image.
Credit: PTI Photo
Haryana is on the boil in the aftermath of communal violence in Nuh, a Meo Muslim-dominated area of the Mewat region, on July 4. The sectarian strife has so far left six dead and dozens injured.
A large number of vehicles, both government and privately owned, were burnt, as were shops and commercial establishments. It later spilled over into neighbouring Gurugram, Sohna, Pataudi and Manesar areas.
The Supreme Court took notice of the strife and issued appropriate directions to the governments concerned to prevent further violence.
The last time Haryana saw large-scale riots was in 2016, during the Jat reservation agitation. Angry mobs had torched entire markets in important cities like Rohtak, the unofficial capital of the Jat heartland. Since then, the state has remained peaceful despite the activities of cow vigilantes in the Mewat area after the BJP-led Manohar Lal Khattar government came to power in 2014.
For those not aware, Meos converted to Islam at different times and mainly live in Nuh, Gurugram, Faridabad, Sohna and Palwal in Haryana, around Delhi. They also live in Bulandshahr, Saharanpur, Aligarh and Mathura in Uttar Pradesh. Bharatpur and Alwar districts of Rajasthan, too, have a substantial Meo population.
They originally hail from communities like Jats, Meenas, Rajputs, Ahirs and wear the same type of clothes as the members of these castes. They eat the same kind of food and speak the same dialect, except that in Mathura the dialect is influenced by Braj Bhasha.
Meos profess the beliefs of Islam, but they also have a composite culture that includes several Hindu customs and practices. They even celebrate the most important Hindu festivals like Deepavali and Holi. There is even a Meo version of Mahabharata called ‘Pandun Ka Kada’. Another stark reminder of their Hindu origins is the practice of maintaining ‘gotras’, a typical Hindu practice.
Some historians claim the conversions began in the 11th century during the time of Mahmood Ghazni. However, some other historians say the conversions began in the reign of Feroze Shah Tughlaq. The conversions gained momentum after Balban defeated Hasan Khan Mewati in 1290 AD.
During the reign of Aurangzeb, Meos voluntarily converted to Islam for an increased role in the politics of Delhi, around which they lived. Since then, Meos and other Hindu communities have lived together peacefully. The Mewat area is extremely backward. Poverty, illiteracy and unemployment combine to make life miserable.
Coming back to the post-2014 period, tensions have existed between Meos and right-wing organisations, like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal, ever since Pehlu Khan, a resident of Jaisinghpura village in Nuh and a dairy farmer, was lynched in 2017 allegedly by a group of cow vigilantes in Alwar (Rajasthan) who suspected him of smuggling cows for slaughter.
The incident was widely condemned throughout the country. In another incident in 2018, a resident of Haryana, Rakbar Khan was lynched in Alwar (Rajasthan) on suspicion of cow smuggling. Four persons were sentenced to seven years in jail for the murder. Another accused, a VHP activist, was acquitted.
In February this year, two Muslim men were charred to death in a vehicle in Bhiwani district of Haryana. Following the murders, one Monu Manesar alias Mohit Yadav of Manesar, near Gurugram, and 20 others were booked by the police for this crime. Manesar, however, has consistently denied the allegations. He is reported to be the head of the cow vigilante group of Bajrang Dal in Haryana.
Manesar was back in the news again in July end as he posted a video on social media platforms a day before the violence. He said he would join a “Shobha Yatra” being organised by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad activists in Nuh on July 31. He appealed to people to join the procession. Though, in the end, he did not join it, the post angered the local Meo community because of his suspected involvement in the twin murder case.
Under such circumstances, it is clear that the local and state political leadership had failed to remove the distrust between members of the two communities since the February murders.
On its part, the district administration, too, failed to anticipate that the months-old tension could someday result in violent clashes. The fears came true when the Shobha Yatra organised by the VHP was attacked on July 31 in Nuh allegedly by members of the Meo community. The violence that flared up within minutes resulted in widespread riots and loss of life and property.
Interestingly, political parties have taken different stands on the Nuh violence to suit their individual political interests. Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar has said that the violence was planned and the perpetrators had conspired to create communal tension in Haryana. Home Minister Anil Vij echoed similar sentiments.
Deputy Chief Minister Dushyant Chautala of the Jannayak Janata Party, however, claimed the administration was caught unawares and unprepared as the organisers of the procession failed to brief the administration properly.
This is in sharp contrast to the stand taken by the chief minister. Congress leaders Bhupinder Singh Hooda and his son, Rajya Sabha MP Deepender Singh Hooda, have blamed the BJP government for the riots and appealed for peace. Union Minister Rao Inderjit Singh of the BJP questioned how participants in the procession were permitted to carry lethal arms like swords. He maintained the provocation was from both sides. Obviously, the 2024 Assembly polls are weighing on the minds of politicians and their reactions are tailored to protect their vote banks.
The communal violence in a generally peaceful state like Haryana has raised fears of similar violence in other states in the months leading to Lok Sabha elections next year. But as far as Haryana is concerned, the perpetrators of the clashes might be disappointed if they intended to polarise voters.
The common Haryanvi, especially in the rural areas, is politically very sharp and well-informed. Their well-meaning stubbornness is a strong shield against misinformation and exploitation. It is unlikely that the riots will ensure electoral gains for the right-wing forces in the state.
(The author, a veteran Haryana journalist, has worked with The Tribune, a leading newspaper in North India, for 30 years)