So far, in his nine years in office, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has not directly answered a question raised in Parliament (not even regarding a ministry under him), there has been no deputy speaker in the Lok Sabha for four years, and only 25 per cent of the Bills have been scrutinised by parliamentary committees. But the Prime Minister did make a fine speech about the ‘temple of democracy’ while inaugurating the new Parliament building, and did a shashtang pranam to the Sengol, a Tamil symbol linked to the Chola dynasty, although all the speeches that followed were in Hindi.
Bricks and mortar, no matter how grand and polished, cannot compensate for the soul of parliamentary democracy. They can, however, provide a great backdrop for camera work and photography. The phrase ‘King’s Parliament’ is an oxymoron, but from the optics of the inauguration of the new building, we seem to have a stage fit for a leader who positions himself above all else — and as the Opposition has made a point of noting, beyond the President of India, who normally presides over ceremonial occasions.
The inauguration had all the symbols and idioms that should satisfy the fantasies of ideologues of the Hindu Right. The states from South India must note that this Parliament building with many more seats than the former one, is designed to accommodate more MPs once the freeze on delimitation of constituencies is lifted in 2026. Modi said so in his speech that there was no place to sit for more MPs in the old building and new numbers will have to be seated.
If population is to be the sole criteria for increasing seats, then the South Indian states that have done well on all socio-economic indices including population control, will find their numbers going down in comparison to the poor performing Hindi-belt states. That would suit the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that has its bases in the Hindi belt, and recently lost its sole holding in South India. Should Modi win a third term in 2024, be certain that he would leave his imprint on a rejigged India and ensure that the freeze on delimitation would go, and the balance of parliamentary numbers shift in a direction that suits the RSS/BJP.
There are some logical arguments offered that how can the government do this in 2026 when they have so far delayed the census exercise that was due in 2021 allegedly to avoid enumerating the population sizes of OBCs till the 2024 general election is over; there are also, reportedly, fears that census findings may not confirm the hysterical propaganda about growth rates of certain religious groups. Still, a census will eventually take place, and if the BJP controls the levers of central power, delimitation of constituencies is on the cards.
Logic in any case has nothing to do with what unfolded in New Delhi on May 28. Vedic chants were raised in Parliament of the avowedly secular republic as male priests walked alongside the Prime Minister, even as around the corner, a protest led by champion women wrestlers against sexual harassment by a BJP MP was forcibly disbanded by the police.
The first speech about the greatness of parliamentary democracy was made by Harivansh, the deputy chairperson of the Rajya Sabha, who had presided over the shameful scenes in 2020 when the three farm laws were passed without due process, and in the face of stiff protest by the Opposition. The Opposition was, with notable exceptions, absent from the ceremony.
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In the budget session of Parliament, it was the treasury benches that disrupted Parliament even as they refused to have any debate on anything demanded by the Opposition. In that session, the Union Budget was passed without a debate, and the PM did not answer any questions on the Adani-Hindenburg report and the ensuing scandal.
In the monsoon session of Parliament in July-August, the Centre would be seeking to pass into law an ordinance it moved to nullify a constitution bench judgment of the Supreme Court that gave control of services in Delhi to an elected government. Many believe that this act by the Modi regime encroaches on the federal structure and powers of elected governments vis-a-vis selected nominees of the Centre such as governors and in the case of Delhi, the Lieutenant-Governor. Such symbolic positions are useful till they are not. In the matter of the inauguration of the new Parliament building organised by the Centre, it could not find a place for the de jure Head of State, President Draupadi Murmu.
(Saba Naqvi is a journalist and author)
(Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH)