Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Credit: PTI File Photo
The British left us with a legacy of high-level corruption. Robert Clive, credited with laying the foundations for British India, committed suicide at the age of 49 after facing corruption charges and being unable to defend himself. Corruption in India has significant effects on the economies of central, state, and local government agencies. A Transparency International report revealed that India’s corruption perceptions index score remained stable, ranking 93rd out of 180 nations in 2023. However, the report suggests that some systems aimed at containing corruption are becoming less effective, indicating that officials are not adhering to the law or their moral obligations to their job.
Allegations of corruption against the UPA administration were one of the factors that propelled Prime Minister Narendra Modi to power in 2014. The country was ecstatic when Narendra Modi declared, “Na Khaunga, Na Khane Doonga” (neither will I indulge in corruption nor allow anybody else to participate in it) during the 2014 general election. This was unprecedented for a nation used to corruption at all levels. Unfortunately, it was just a fleeting vision.
The promise made by Modi in 2014, before he became prime minister, to reclaim black money was not fulfilled. His harsh demonetization policy, intended to eliminate terrorists, curb black money, eradicate corruption, and eliminate counterfeit currencies, severely damaged the economy but had no effect.
According to a report released by the Centre for Media Studies, the BJP spent nearly Rs 27,000 crores in the Lok Sabha polls, which accounts for about 45% of the total expenditure of Rs 60,000 crores spent in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls. Poll expenses for Lok Sabha elections held between 1998 and 2019 have soared from Rs 9,000 crore to nearly Rs 55,000 crore. The 2024 general election may cost more than Rs 1 lakh crore. Escalating election expenditures are the breeding ground for corruption; therefore, if we can’t curb corruption, we can’t control it.
Between the previous and current Lok Sabha elections, some MPs have seen their incomes rise scandalously by 300, 400, or even 1,000%, while the Sensex has gained just 85%. On Independence Day in 2023, Modi pledged to fight corruption and demanded the elimination of three evils: nepotism, corruption, and appeasement. Considering his commitment, he could have enacted a law mandating all MP assets to be audited, held in trust, and audited again every five years to ensure that they aren’t enriching themselves at the expense of people.
However, Modi’s anti-corruption campaign was selective and targeted at his political rivals. The corrupt political class neither faced consequences from the Modi government nor witnessed systemic changes; instead, corruption was institutionalised through electoral bonds.
The CBI gave clean chits to Somasekhara Reddy and G Janardhana Reddy, former Karnataka BJP government ministers accused of a Rs 16,500-crore mining scam; Yeddyurappa, the former Karnataka CM accused of land and mining scams; and Shivraj Singh Chouhan, the CM of Madhya Pradesh implicated in the Vyapam scam. Opposition politicians accused of corruption have been offered a clear quid pro quo; switch sides, and these cases will disappear. The widely circulated list claimed that there were graft probes against Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma, Suvendu Adhikari, Bhavna Gawli, Yashwant Jadhav, Yamini Jadhav, Pratap Sarnaik, and Narayan Rane, which were stalled after they switched sides to join the BJP.
Despite protests by the Election Commission and the Reserve Bank of India, the Modi government introduced electoral bonds in the name of transparency in election funding contributed by corporate bodies, which is a classic case of daylight robbery. An analysis by Project Electoral Bond shows that several companies bought electoral bonds after they were faced with action by central government agencies such as the ED, IT, CBI, and GST. The BJP received the maximum funds through the bonds at Rs 6,986.5 crore, followed by the TMC (Rs 1,397 crore) and Congress (Rs 1,334 crore). Despite being among the youngest major political parties in India, the BJP, under Modi’s leadership, has swiftly overtaken both Congress and the Chinese Communist Party of China to become the biggest and richest party in the world.
Since the Supreme Court declared electoral bonds unconstitutional and ordered the EC to reveal the details, the Modi government, through the SBI, has tried to halt or delay the revelation of who donated how much ‘chanda’ to which political party.
The frequent use of raids to suppress political opposition undermines political freedom and the rule of law and encourages corruption. The question arises: why did Modi, who made a commitment to fight corruption with a commanding majority in parliament and widespread support, not undertake the Herculean task of cleaning the Augean stable of corruption in Indian politics without bias?
(The writer is a retired Deputy Director of Boilers)