Punjab: A crisis in the making

Nationalism and religion put together is a deadly concoction. The combination of these two has been used to create new nations and to secede from existing ones. India is no stranger to this as its post-colonial birth itself was tied to such a phenomenon. While nation-states are viewed as ‘imagined communities’ by some due to its role in uniting a large number of strangers under an abstract idea, those who do not benefit from such an ideology protest by stating that it is ‘not my imagined community’. Such protests may lead to better inclusivity, if the problems of the discontents are addressed and they are sought to be included or integrated, or they may have larger, negative repercussions if the dissent is not taken into account and addressed. Case in point, the recent Ajnala incident in Punjab.

On February 23, supporters of Amritpal Singh Sandhu stormed a police station, armed with weapons, and demanded the release of one of his associates, Lovepreet Singh Toofan, who had been arrested in a case of kidnapping. Police personnel were injured in the clash that ensued. The police eventually gave in to the mob’s demand by recommending to the court that Amritpal Singh’s aide be released. According to the police, they showed restraint because the protesters had brought a copy of Guru Granth Sahib along with them and used it
as a shield.

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Rewind to 1984, it was the military action inside the Golden Temple that made matters worse as it drew sharp criticism from Sikhs all over the world. Religious symbols have the potential to exacerbate existing problems into much greater controversies. Violence, religious fervour, and working against the establishment has catapulted the young Amritpal Singh to wide popularity, which was till now limited to only some Khalistani sympathisers. In the 1980s, the law-and-order situation in Punjab was in a shambles and the power vacuum created a situation in which people held the State to ransom using a heady mix of violence, identity, religion, and separatism.

One of the tenets on which the nation-state functions is the notion that it has a monopoly over violence. The right to exercise force by the police is assumed to be legitimate and it is not so when protesters carry weapons and attack the police station. By discharging Amritpal’s aide, Lovepreet Singh, the police clearly signalled an erosion of State power. Incidents like this create power centres that threaten the sovereignty of the nation-state. Support for the Khalistan cause from outside Indian borders is also apparent, which has recently led to India raising the issue with Canada.

It must be acknowledged that decades after Operation Bluestar, the undercurrents of Khalistani ideology have never fully been removed from Punjab. The ebb and flow of such sentiments are related to the problems faced by the Sikh community and the support they receive from various factions within and outside the country. Lt Gen Brar, the commander of Operation Bluestar, recently said that the Khalistan movement is resurging in Punjab, with help from across the border.

Mainstream media has already named Amritpal Singh ‘Bhindranwale 2’, clearly indicating where the Ajnala incident will lead to if no heed is paid to the actors, circumstances and motivations involved at the earliest. Amritpal has made it clear that he draws inspiration from Bhindranwale and has already made remarks in that vein on Punjabi sovereignty. The self-styled preacher does not consider himself an Indian citizen and says that his passport is nothing more than a travel document. Such statements do not reduce the importance national identity holds in today’s world. Citizenship leads to a host of rights and freedoms and Stateless people are among the most vulnerable and persecuted sets of people in the world. But statements like this do inflame the ideological fervour of his supporters.

Moreover, Amritpal is presently heading Waris Punjab De (Heirs of Punjab), which was started after the unprecedented protest by farmers. The farmer protest itself was a challenge to the authority of the Centre, and it was successful in getting the laws to be repealed by parliament. Riding on the success of the farmers, Amritpal ostensibly seeks to focus attention on the pressing problems facing Punjab. But the solution he puts forth is unpalatable to most Punjabis, let alone to the government.

A young Dubai returnee toying with the idea of Khalistan and testing the waters to see how far he can take it is the right time for the State to make its stand clear. Dissent is an important part of any healthy democracy and it should be paid sufficient heed by the government. Doing so would lead to a greater understanding of ground realities which, if taken into consideration, can lead to more inclusive governance. For their part, Amritpal Singh and his supporters will do well to realise that Punjab does not want to go back to the dark era that led to Operation Bluestar. Violent secessionist movements in India have not succeeded, they have only caused destruction of lives and property. They must acknowledge that while the concept of nation-state in its present form has its weaknesses, till a better alternative is found, there is no use destroying the existing foundation of governance.

Power vacuums are quickly accessed by multiple non-State actors leading to instability, multiple power centres, clashes and loss of lives. Therefore, in Punjab’s case, it is important for the central and state governments to acknowledge the brewing problem and nip it in the bud by building trust among Punjab’s people and by solving the state’s pressing problems.

(The writer is a research scholar at BITS Pilani, Rajasthan)