<p>Defence Minister Rajnath Singh represented India at the swearing-in of newly-elected President Bola Ahmed Tunubu of Africa’s most populous country Nigeria. Significantly, he was accompanied by heads of defence public sector undertakings, implying that the major thrust of the visit was defence exports as part of the country’s ‘Make in India’ initiative.</p>.<p>Recently, India courted Egypt with military exercises, a visit of the Indian Army Chief, and had its President over as the Republic Day Chief Guest. Rightly, it is expanding its scope of engagement with the West African behemoth, Nigeria, with this very first visit of an Indian Defence Minister to that country.</p>.<p>It is of a piece with India’s foreign policy thrust of late to enhance ties with Africa, a continent with a future rooted in its wealth of strategic minerals, a youthful demographic profile, and expanding continental integration. India-Africa summits are evidence.</p>.<p><strong>Read | <a href="https://www.deccanherald.com/national/defence-minister-rajnath-singh-interacts-with-indian-diaspora-in-nigeria-1223278.html" target="_blank">Defence Minister Rajnath Singh interacts with Indian diaspora in Nigeria</a></strong></p>.<p>After the Cold War, India’s expanding economy has led to a focused engagement with Africa, with India-Africa summits peppering its outreach. This is in recognition of Africa being consequential to India’s aspirations as a global power, best exemplified by its emphasis on multilateralism. African middle powers in themselves and a fully integrated Africa are potential poles in the desired world order.</p>.<p>Mindful of its advantages, India is putting its best foot forward in projecting the defence sector. It has an India-Africa Defence Dialogue in place, the second edition of which was on the side-lines of the Defence Expo in Gandhinagar, Gujarat, in 2022.</p>.<p>Defence exports reaching Rs 16,000 crore owe in part to African militaries opting for Indian technology and armaments that are affordable and, being technologically middle range, are user friendly.</p>.<p>Figuring in choices abroad enables India to meet its ambitions to be 'atmanirbhar’ by expanding investment into defence manufacturing, and research and development. Economies of scale result from an export market opening up could potentially entice the profit-oriented private sector into this field.</p>.<p>Military engagements take forward India’s training engagements with African countries, ranging from Lesotho to Uganda. At the Africa-India training exercise at the foreign training node at Aundh in March, 25 African nations participated in conduct of humanitarian operations under the United Nations’ (UN) flag.</p>.<p>Even so, the perspectives of India and Africa on an aspect of peace and security need to be reconciled. While Africa is prescient in drawing a link between Climate Change and conflict, India wants that the peace and security agenda of the UN Security Council is not unduly expanded for addressing this.</p>.<p>Since Africa stands for ‘African solution to African problems’, India could up its support from peacekeeping to also include the ambit of peace-making and peace-building. The three together form the three sides of the peace triangle, implying that a holistic Indian contribution requires India to lend a hand in propping up the two sides other than peacekeeping.</p>.<p>Peace-making will require Indian special envoys to bolster regional and UN initiatives. For peace-building presence India must apportion more monies for the periodic global demands for voluntary contributions of the UN agencies, funds, and programmes. It could even set up an international aid agency of its own. Its strengths in security sector reform, flowing from its apolitical military, can prove attractive for Africa plagued by military coups. </p>.<p>As defence minister, Singh cannot but be tuned in to the new scramble for Africa between the United States, China, and Russia, even as the presence of the United Kingdom and France dissipates. This should suggest to him that as an emergent great power, India cannot but also have a strategic approach to Africa.</p>.<p>Given that its major strategic competitor, China, is fairly ahead in light of its deeper pockets, India needs appraising Africa in relation to China’s global scheme which sees Africa at one extractive end of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China now has a military base in Africa, at Djibouti, even as it prepares two access routes to African trade via Gwadar and through Myanmar. It now also has the largest navy.</p>.<p>This is anticipatory pre-emption of India’s prospective closure of the Malacca Straits and intended war-time domination of the Indian Ocean. Preparation for the worst case has a deterrent purpose. This strategic context to India’s African outreach must inform India’s military diplomacy.</p>.<p>Finally, India has been a beacon in Africa so far mostly for its progressive socio-political and economic developmental model. India’s 'Vishwaguru’ aspiration should feed into its current-day politics that otherwise unwittingly undercut its soft power. Its G20 leadership opportunity must be used optimally as voice of the global south to gain African favour.</p>.<p><em>(Ali Ahmed is a freelance strategic analyst. Twitter: @aliahd66.)</em></p>.<p><em>Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH. </em></p>
<p>Defence Minister Rajnath Singh represented India at the swearing-in of newly-elected President Bola Ahmed Tunubu of Africa’s most populous country Nigeria. Significantly, he was accompanied by heads of defence public sector undertakings, implying that the major thrust of the visit was defence exports as part of the country’s ‘Make in India’ initiative.</p>.<p>Recently, India courted Egypt with military exercises, a visit of the Indian Army Chief, and had its President over as the Republic Day Chief Guest. Rightly, it is expanding its scope of engagement with the West African behemoth, Nigeria, with this very first visit of an Indian Defence Minister to that country.</p>.<p>It is of a piece with India’s foreign policy thrust of late to enhance ties with Africa, a continent with a future rooted in its wealth of strategic minerals, a youthful demographic profile, and expanding continental integration. India-Africa summits are evidence.</p>.<p><strong>Read | <a href="https://www.deccanherald.com/national/defence-minister-rajnath-singh-interacts-with-indian-diaspora-in-nigeria-1223278.html" target="_blank">Defence Minister Rajnath Singh interacts with Indian diaspora in Nigeria</a></strong></p>.<p>After the Cold War, India’s expanding economy has led to a focused engagement with Africa, with India-Africa summits peppering its outreach. This is in recognition of Africa being consequential to India’s aspirations as a global power, best exemplified by its emphasis on multilateralism. African middle powers in themselves and a fully integrated Africa are potential poles in the desired world order.</p>.<p>Mindful of its advantages, India is putting its best foot forward in projecting the defence sector. It has an India-Africa Defence Dialogue in place, the second edition of which was on the side-lines of the Defence Expo in Gandhinagar, Gujarat, in 2022.</p>.<p>Defence exports reaching Rs 16,000 crore owe in part to African militaries opting for Indian technology and armaments that are affordable and, being technologically middle range, are user friendly.</p>.<p>Figuring in choices abroad enables India to meet its ambitions to be 'atmanirbhar’ by expanding investment into defence manufacturing, and research and development. Economies of scale result from an export market opening up could potentially entice the profit-oriented private sector into this field.</p>.<p>Military engagements take forward India’s training engagements with African countries, ranging from Lesotho to Uganda. At the Africa-India training exercise at the foreign training node at Aundh in March, 25 African nations participated in conduct of humanitarian operations under the United Nations’ (UN) flag.</p>.<p>Even so, the perspectives of India and Africa on an aspect of peace and security need to be reconciled. While Africa is prescient in drawing a link between Climate Change and conflict, India wants that the peace and security agenda of the UN Security Council is not unduly expanded for addressing this.</p>.<p>Since Africa stands for ‘African solution to African problems’, India could up its support from peacekeeping to also include the ambit of peace-making and peace-building. The three together form the three sides of the peace triangle, implying that a holistic Indian contribution requires India to lend a hand in propping up the two sides other than peacekeeping.</p>.<p>Peace-making will require Indian special envoys to bolster regional and UN initiatives. For peace-building presence India must apportion more monies for the periodic global demands for voluntary contributions of the UN agencies, funds, and programmes. It could even set up an international aid agency of its own. Its strengths in security sector reform, flowing from its apolitical military, can prove attractive for Africa plagued by military coups. </p>.<p>As defence minister, Singh cannot but be tuned in to the new scramble for Africa between the United States, China, and Russia, even as the presence of the United Kingdom and France dissipates. This should suggest to him that as an emergent great power, India cannot but also have a strategic approach to Africa.</p>.<p>Given that its major strategic competitor, China, is fairly ahead in light of its deeper pockets, India needs appraising Africa in relation to China’s global scheme which sees Africa at one extractive end of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). China now has a military base in Africa, at Djibouti, even as it prepares two access routes to African trade via Gwadar and through Myanmar. It now also has the largest navy.</p>.<p>This is anticipatory pre-emption of India’s prospective closure of the Malacca Straits and intended war-time domination of the Indian Ocean. Preparation for the worst case has a deterrent purpose. This strategic context to India’s African outreach must inform India’s military diplomacy.</p>.<p>Finally, India has been a beacon in Africa so far mostly for its progressive socio-political and economic developmental model. India’s 'Vishwaguru’ aspiration should feed into its current-day politics that otherwise unwittingly undercut its soft power. Its G20 leadership opportunity must be used optimally as voice of the global south to gain African favour.</p>.<p><em>(Ali Ahmed is a freelance strategic analyst. Twitter: @aliahd66.)</em></p>.<p><em>Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH. </em></p>