<p>Talks between the government and ULFA, now formally split between the moderate Arabinda Rajkhowa wing and the militant Paresh Barua faction operating somewhere in the Myanmar-China borderlands after being expelled from Bangladesh, have formally opened with a first round in Delhi.<br /><br />The ULFA leadership has dropped its demand for sovereignty but insists it has come to the table without preconditions. This should be accepted at face value. ULFA cannot be seen to have abandoned its core position even before commencement of the talks and must be given enough leeway to declare in due course that it has been ‘persuaded’ to drop this demand in lieu of corresponding ‘concessions’ by the government. Such tactical maneuvers are par for the course and should not be allowed to rock the boat by those unable to differentiate process from outcomes.<br /><br />The NSCN, ULFA or United National Liberation Front of Manipur, like the separatists in J&K, need to understand that India represents a commonwealth of peoples. They, in turn, are engaged in transforming diverse and ancient communities into a plural, democratic society of equal citizens armed with the constitutional flexibility innovatively to accommodate all manner of ethnicities and autonomous entities within a structure of cooperative federalism.<br /><br />The NSCN(IM) leadership appears to have softened its stance on Naga independence though it must be appreciated that this will not be formally dropped until a settlement is concluded. The idea of a Naga constitution within the constitution was earlier bruited and could conceivably yield a solution acceptable to all.<br /><br />These already exist in embryo in the family of Articles 370, 371, 371A to 371-I pertaining to different states and sub-regions within the country and under the provisions for upward and downward ‘entrustment’ contained in Articles 258 and 258A. Likewise, non-territorial solutions can and have been devised in the Indian context to provide satisfaction to smaller ethnic groups without formal separation.<br /><br />Equally, special provisions exist in or can be devised under the constitution to provide for the special needs of various sections of society whether religious, linguistic, minority, backward, scheduled caste, tribal, women and children. So there is plenty of negotiating space to accommodate diversity within unity.<br /><br />Meanwhile, there will be some disquiet following reports that a ranking Naga leader, Anthony Shimray, who was abroad and arrested while clandestinely entering India, has confessed to the Naga leadership talking to the Chinese about posting a ‘permanent representative’ in China and seeking other assistance in return for providing intelligence on Indian Army movements in Arunachal and the activities of the Dalai Lama. <br /><br />China link<br />If true, this would scarcely be in keeping with the spirit of the suspension of operations agreement under which the current peace talks with Delhi are proceeding. It would appear that sections of the Manipur and Bodo underground are also in touch with the Chinese. These reports merit clear explanations from those involved.<br />The 24-hour suspension of operations 10 days back by the security forces against the Maoists near Naryanpur in Chhattisgarh to permit the release of some abducted police personnel through the good offices of Swami Aginvesh and another social activist, Gautam Navlakha, in its own way offers an opening to initiate a dialogue and initiate efforts to restore normalcy in at least some Naxal-affected areas.<br /><br />There has been no real or sustained let up in their activity but with the build up of a better coordinated and trained security grid the Maoists have found it increasingly difficult to impose their writ at will.<br /><br />The decision to locate an army training camp in interior Chhattisgarh has also unnerved the Maoists as its very presence will induce caution in engaging in unlawful activities. Demanding that the army camp not be located there if negotiations are sought is an unacceptable demand. The military encampment is not being placed there for operations and the army will only react in accordance with specified terms of engagement if attacked or provoked.<br /><br />The Centre and Planning Commission have between them worked out a series of socio-economic measures to be implemented in the Naxal belt. These will not go far unless three obvious and essential measures are taken. First, the Fifth Schedule must be activated in full as willful failure to implement it represents a breach of faith with the tribal India and a gross violation of the constitution.<br /><br />The failure to take this simple fact on board even at this juncture is astonishing. Governors have been in default of their bounden duties and must be enjoined to fulfill these conscientiously. Secondly, there must be a dedicated and suitably incentivised administrative cadre for the tribal areas with a single line administration so that innocent tribals are not driven from pillar to post even on petty matters.<br /><br />Thirdly, the state must engage with civil society and corporates in the social and economic development of these very backward areas under a strict but reasonable framework of environmental safeguards and corporate social responsibility within a well defined legal framework. Continuing ad hocism will simply not do.<br /><br />Such an effort will be assured of greater success if Maoist-sympathisers are brought on board and are convinced of the bona fides of the State. Once the bowl is drained, hard core, proletarian-revolution Naxals will, like fish, find it difficult to survive in depleting waters.</p>
<p>Talks between the government and ULFA, now formally split between the moderate Arabinda Rajkhowa wing and the militant Paresh Barua faction operating somewhere in the Myanmar-China borderlands after being expelled from Bangladesh, have formally opened with a first round in Delhi.<br /><br />The ULFA leadership has dropped its demand for sovereignty but insists it has come to the table without preconditions. This should be accepted at face value. ULFA cannot be seen to have abandoned its core position even before commencement of the talks and must be given enough leeway to declare in due course that it has been ‘persuaded’ to drop this demand in lieu of corresponding ‘concessions’ by the government. Such tactical maneuvers are par for the course and should not be allowed to rock the boat by those unable to differentiate process from outcomes.<br /><br />The NSCN, ULFA or United National Liberation Front of Manipur, like the separatists in J&K, need to understand that India represents a commonwealth of peoples. They, in turn, are engaged in transforming diverse and ancient communities into a plural, democratic society of equal citizens armed with the constitutional flexibility innovatively to accommodate all manner of ethnicities and autonomous entities within a structure of cooperative federalism.<br /><br />The NSCN(IM) leadership appears to have softened its stance on Naga independence though it must be appreciated that this will not be formally dropped until a settlement is concluded. The idea of a Naga constitution within the constitution was earlier bruited and could conceivably yield a solution acceptable to all.<br /><br />These already exist in embryo in the family of Articles 370, 371, 371A to 371-I pertaining to different states and sub-regions within the country and under the provisions for upward and downward ‘entrustment’ contained in Articles 258 and 258A. Likewise, non-territorial solutions can and have been devised in the Indian context to provide satisfaction to smaller ethnic groups without formal separation.<br /><br />Equally, special provisions exist in or can be devised under the constitution to provide for the special needs of various sections of society whether religious, linguistic, minority, backward, scheduled caste, tribal, women and children. So there is plenty of negotiating space to accommodate diversity within unity.<br /><br />Meanwhile, there will be some disquiet following reports that a ranking Naga leader, Anthony Shimray, who was abroad and arrested while clandestinely entering India, has confessed to the Naga leadership talking to the Chinese about posting a ‘permanent representative’ in China and seeking other assistance in return for providing intelligence on Indian Army movements in Arunachal and the activities of the Dalai Lama. <br /><br />China link<br />If true, this would scarcely be in keeping with the spirit of the suspension of operations agreement under which the current peace talks with Delhi are proceeding. It would appear that sections of the Manipur and Bodo underground are also in touch with the Chinese. These reports merit clear explanations from those involved.<br />The 24-hour suspension of operations 10 days back by the security forces against the Maoists near Naryanpur in Chhattisgarh to permit the release of some abducted police personnel through the good offices of Swami Aginvesh and another social activist, Gautam Navlakha, in its own way offers an opening to initiate a dialogue and initiate efforts to restore normalcy in at least some Naxal-affected areas.<br /><br />There has been no real or sustained let up in their activity but with the build up of a better coordinated and trained security grid the Maoists have found it increasingly difficult to impose their writ at will.<br /><br />The decision to locate an army training camp in interior Chhattisgarh has also unnerved the Maoists as its very presence will induce caution in engaging in unlawful activities. Demanding that the army camp not be located there if negotiations are sought is an unacceptable demand. The military encampment is not being placed there for operations and the army will only react in accordance with specified terms of engagement if attacked or provoked.<br /><br />The Centre and Planning Commission have between them worked out a series of socio-economic measures to be implemented in the Naxal belt. These will not go far unless three obvious and essential measures are taken. First, the Fifth Schedule must be activated in full as willful failure to implement it represents a breach of faith with the tribal India and a gross violation of the constitution.<br /><br />The failure to take this simple fact on board even at this juncture is astonishing. Governors have been in default of their bounden duties and must be enjoined to fulfill these conscientiously. Secondly, there must be a dedicated and suitably incentivised administrative cadre for the tribal areas with a single line administration so that innocent tribals are not driven from pillar to post even on petty matters.<br /><br />Thirdly, the state must engage with civil society and corporates in the social and economic development of these very backward areas under a strict but reasonable framework of environmental safeguards and corporate social responsibility within a well defined legal framework. Continuing ad hocism will simply not do.<br /><br />Such an effort will be assured of greater success if Maoist-sympathisers are brought on board and are convinced of the bona fides of the State. Once the bowl is drained, hard core, proletarian-revolution Naxals will, like fish, find it difficult to survive in depleting waters.</p>