National Education Policy (NEP 2020) mentions ‘minorities’ only twice in the entire document – once, to admit that they are under-represented, making it imperative to promote the education of their children; thence to mention that they would be counted amongst the Socio-Economically Disadvantaged Groups (SEDGs) that includes “females, transgender, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, OBCs, people coming from rural, small-town, and aspirational districts, migrant communities, low-income households, children in vulnerable situations, victims or children of victims of trafficking, orphans, child beggars in urban India and urban poor”. So all-embracing is this category that taken together, it outnumbers the majority population.
Muslims, the largest religious minority in the country, find no mention at all. So is the case with ‘Madrasah’ and ‘Urdu’ language, generally, though erroneously, associated with Muslims. It is also implied that Muslims must not be sentimental about the policy being mum on educational developments during medieval India, a period that is often regarded as Muslim rule.
NEP 2020 concedes that minorities are under-represented, but implies that such deprivation is not exclusive to them alone and hence feels no need for a separate dispensation for their educational advancement. Instead, it believes that they would benefit from the programmes and policies for SEDGs, a loosely collated idea akin to public property, which everyone has a claim to but none are accountable or responsible for.
Oblivious of the specific needs for different under-represented groups, the policy expects them all to compete for their rightful share to access education. Similarly, the policy assumes that Madrasahs, too, need no separate dispensation as the ‘alternative education system’ would take care of them as well.
Arguably, the rights of the religious minorities to establish and maintain educational institutions to protect and preserve their language, culture, heritage and tradition are guaranteed by the Constitution, which the policy cannot abrogate, curtail or circumscribe. Further, pronouncing equitable and inclusive access to quality higher education for all, the policy commits to giving effect to Goal 4 of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals.
Realities on the ground, however, warrant a separate dispensation and affirmative action to make Muslims an equal participant in mainstream higher education. As of 2019-20, Muslims in higher education are only a third of what they should be as per their share in the population.
Their share in higher education enrolment has gone up from 2.53% in 2010-11 to 5.45% in 2019-20; and their share in teaching faculty has risen from 2.95% to 5.55% during the corresponding period. Even in absolute terms, their numbers have seen an inclining trend, clearly indicating that given the opportunity, the community is keen to be in the mainstream.
However, it is disquieting that the growth rate of Muslim enrolment in higher education has lately been declining -- from 120.09% during 2010-11 to 2014-15, to only 36.96% during 2014-15 to 2019-20. Similarly, the growth in the Muslim faculty members, too, has slid from 110.36% to 76% during the corresponding periods.
Central universities and government-aided deemed universities may appear to better represent Muslims in enrolment at 8.41% and 14.5% respectively. Going a little deeper, this could be attributed to a few institutions like Jamia Millia, AMU, MANUU, and Jamia Hamdard which, because of their nature and history, have a relatively higher proportion of Muslims on their rolls. However, being unitary in character, their own share in higher education enrolment is minuscule.
The challenge is, thus, to enhance the participation of Muslims in the mainstream higher education institutions that provide the bulk of higher education. Sadly, Muslims in their enrolment range between 4.23-6.01%. In the institutions of national importance, like IIT, IIIT, IISER, NIT and IIMs, Muslims are merely 1.92%.
Resultantly, only 21 lakh Muslims were enrolled in higher education as of 2019-20. Of these, 77.63% are in colleges, most of which are not known for their quality. The solace could be that since 2010-11, the number and share of Muslims across all kinds and types of higher educational institutions has been increasing, though by varying rates. That’s true also of the number and share of Muslims in faculty members.
This could be a consequence of the policies and programmes for the welfare and development of Muslims that followed the Sachar Committee Report in 2006. An alternative hypothesis is that Muslims have realised the value of mainstream higher education and do whatever is within their means to access it. This should augur well, if the hypothesis can be reinforced empirically.
Clearly, this negates the narrow viewpoint that Muslims in India are besotted with the past, are indifferent to the present and remain apprehensive of the future. Further, the trend repudiates the widespread assumption that the actions and preferences of Muslims, including their choice of education, are guided by their rigidly-held religious beliefs and non-progressive attitudes.
Muslims in India suffer on account of the misperception of being outsiders, invaders, anti-nationals, pro-Pakistan, descendants of cruel rulers who committed atrocities on Hindus. Sadly, NEP 2020 does hardly anything to break this stereotype. It may be hoped that the recently-constituted steering committee for the national curriculum framework would address this issue.
What the community needs are handholding and support to make it to mainstream higher education in much larger numbers, commensurate with their share in the population. Silence on this issue or sidelining it in policy does not go with sabka saath, sabka vikas, sabka vishwas, sabka prayas. The majoritarian overtone in policy will only alienate 15% of the country’s citizens from contributing their might to national development.
(Furqan Qamar is Professor of Management, Jamia Millia Islamia and is a former vice-chancellor of the University of Rajasthan and the Central University of Himachal Pradesh; Navneet Sharma is faculty at the Central University of Himachal Pradesh)