US Congress and India's role in Quad and Indo-Pacific

With 2022 being the year of mid-term elections in the US, issues of concern, like human rights and religious freedom, will be flagged frequently

The United States Congress's critical role in determining the country's foreign and strategic policy came under the spotlight this week as voices on Capitol Hill sought to secure a waiver for India from Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). The underpinning of the Congressional approach remains moored in the efforts by the US to take forward Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue) and Indo-Pacific constructs.

The legislative process is a prolonged exercise, but the move advocating an India-specific waiver reflects bipartisan support on the Hill for the country. Latest news from Washington of three Congressmen, including leading progressive Indian-American Democrat Rohit 'Ro' Khanna, suggesting the amendment to the Defence Authorisation Act that provides a roadmap for the Department of Defence spending, is an indication of this direction. The amendments suggested by Khanna are supported by his Republican colleagues Andy Barr and Ronnie Jackson.

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Earlier this year, Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee Gregory Meeks advocated a waiver in view of a long-term strategic interest with India and America's security interest. Last month senior Republican Congressman Joe Wilson held the view that both India and the US should cooperate more closely in the Indo-Pacific and counter China's authoritarian aspirations in the region.

Arguments advanced for proposing amendments to the National Defence Authorisation Act, which would grant funds to the Department for next year, is that the US needs to do more to reduce India's dependence on Russia for its energy requirement, increase cooperation in the area of critical and emerging technologies and find ways of supporting India on defence. Khanna's concern included the aggressive stance of China on the Indian border.

It is not that it signals a favourable mood on the Hill, for there are offices where India's role in the region and other causes America espouses are viewed with scepticism. Recently, Democrat Senator Bob Menendez, Chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, sought clarity from the Biden administration on its position regarding a waiver for India from the CAATSA sanctions and the role Washington envisages New Delhi would play in the Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue).

These statements and developments suggest that the US Congress remains engaged and turns sights on India to weigh New Delhi's responses regarding Russia and its willingness to adopt a strategy that considers the US plans to counter China in the Indo-Pacific. The Indian mantra of 'strategic autonomy' has found a level of acceptance in the administration, but not all offices of influence in Congress demonstrate a similar understanding.

India's presence in both Quad and Indo-Pacific constructs, whose contours are being constantly refined, is both unique and pivotal in the larger US strategic plans for the region. There are points of convergence and divergence in the policy approach of India and other members of the Quad - the US, Australia and Japan and now New Delhi's standpoint vis-à-vis Russia in the ongoing war in Ukraine is a major sticking point.

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Yet, on the other side, the Quad member-states remain concerned over the aggressive approach of China, which is flexing its military and economic muscle in the region and elsewhere. Only India shares land boundaries with China among the four Quad countries, while the rest are connected through the large oceanic expanse. This geographical connection turns the spotlight on the second and larger construct of the Indo-Pacific, which aims to reach out to countries whose shores are washed by the waters of these two oceans.

In strategic terms, the Quad and Indo-Pacific are connected, with the former being a sharper and smaller arrangement of countries to advance the latter's shared vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific region amid concerns over Beijing's behaviour of expanding territorial claims in the South China Sea and reaching across continents to have a military presence. The centrality of ASEAN to the Indo-Pacific is a significant point of convergence, and India prefers to work on the economic front rather than tilt towards the military arrangement.

On its part, since the summer of 2020, India has been facing a situation in Ladakh. Despite several rounds of talks, the process of disengagement of the two armies in the icy heights is far from complete. On Thursday in Bali, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar stressed upon his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi for an early resolution of all outstanding issues along the Line of Actual Control in Eastern Ladakh and complete disengagement of troops from all remaining areas to restore peace and tranquillity in border areas. The border stand-off notwithstanding, India remains engaged with China in fora like BRICS and SCO while refusing to bite the western bait of joining issue with Russia, its decades-old tried and trusted friend.

The creation of AUKUS takes the burden off India to commit its military resources in the region as part of a net security provider. Elected representatives on the Hill will also pursue other issues like human rights and religious freedom, some of which are close to the members and others dictated by constituents. With 2022 being the year of mid-term elections in the US, issues of concern will be flagged frequently, much to the discomfort of New Delhi.

Statements and developments suggest that the US Congress remains engaged on the Quad and Indo-Pacific and will turn sights on India to weigh in on New Delhi's responses regarding Russia and a strategy that considers the United States' plans to counter China in the Indo-Pacific.

But the road ahead is long. By now, the Indian mantra of 'strategic autonomy' has found a level of understanding with the administration, yet not all offices of influence in Congress endorse a similar approach. India will have to intensify its outreach to lawmakers as policy and process winds their way into Congress.

(K V Prasad is a journalist)

Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.