But the steadiness that the world leaders seek with China is threatened by a host of complicated issues that lingered just beneath the veneer of civility at the Group of 20 summit in Rio de Janeiro, which ended Tuesday.
Potential conflicts with China loom on human rights, the fate of Taiwan, technology competition, cyber attacks, aid to Russia and tariffs.
And for all the pomp and pleasantries as Biden wraps up a half-century on the world stage, there is deep uncertainty about the role the United States might play in heading off those conflicts.
In his last speech at the United Nations in September, Biden said the world was at “another inflection point” and added: “The choices we make today will determine our future for decades to come.”
When it comes to China, his counterparts are hoping that their choices prove to be the right ones.
“European leaders are going to be looking to Xi with this kind of, ‘Now you have got to step up,’” said John Delury, a historian of modern China. “‘Like, this is not just talk anymore. We really want to elevate this relationship so that we can count on you.’”
For his part, China’s president used the G20 summit, which brings together leaders from wealthy and developing nations, to promote his country as a benign supporter of open trade and international stability. Chinese leaders have long offered reassuring themes in speeches to global audiences, but Xi and his advisers appear to hope that foreign leaders will be more receptive while they prepare for the strains and uncertainties of a second Trump term.
Countries should “view each other’s development as an opportunity, not a challenge, and treat each other as partners, not adversaries,” Xi told leaders at the G20 summit Monday, according to an official Chinese account of his remarks.
But Xi also issued an implicit warning to the other leaders in attendance. While promising to abide by a commitment to “mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and winning cooperation,” the Chinese leader also said that “our position of resolutely safeguarding China’s sovereignty, security and development interests remains unchanged.”
That warning was underscored at the summit Monday during an opening session featuring remarks by each leader. Television cameras were running when Starmer delivered his comments. But when he mentioned concerns about human rights in China and the treatment of Jimmy Lai, a Hong Kong businessperson and pro-democracy dissident, Chinese representatives in the large conference room moved quickly to block the view of the cameras and push journalists out of the room.
It was a reminder that diplomacy with China has often been rocky.
In the United States, Xi’s anger over Biden’s decision to shoot down a Chinese spy balloon ended most communications between the countries for more than a year.
In Australia, tensions have flared over Chinese Communist Party influence activities in Australia and deepening concerns over China’s regional ambitions. On Monday, Xi said the two countries had “witnessed some twists and turns.”
But Australia and China have resumed high-level talks and eased some concerns about tariffs in recent months, a sign that Albanese, like other leaders, is eager to find ways to maintain a working relationship. After a meeting between the two men Monday, Albanese posted pictures on social media of them shaking hands.
“Dialogue is critical, and we’ve made encouraging progress,” he wrote. “Trade is flowing more freely. And that brings benefits to both countries, and to people and businesses on both sides.”
The US and China have also sought to ease their own tensions in the past two years. Communications have restarted between high-level diplomats and military officials in both countries. And the meeting between Biden and Xi on Saturday, the second in a year, was intended to demonstrate that the leaders can work with each other.
However, Biden is a lame duck soon to be replaced by Trump. Around the world, officials are bracing for a return to Trump’s confrontational policies while eager to see if anything is different during a second term.
Trump promises to steeply increase tariffs. If he acts on those promises, he could hurt U.S. standing abroad, even with a firm ally like Australia, by raising barriers to markets in the United States, said Richard McGregor, a senior fellow for East Asia at the Lowy Institute, a foreign policy think tank in Sydney.
“I think it has the potential for really damaging the image of the United States in Australia and, in turn, corroding some support for the alliance,” he said in an interview. “I don’t want to exaggerate that, but it’s corrosive to the U.S. image.”
In the meantime, Chinese policymakers are searching for diplomatic openings after Trump returns to the White House.
China’s foreign policy “will not undergo a transformative shift just because Trump takes office,” Wang Wen, dean of the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies at Renmin University of China in Beijing, said in an interview. “On the other hand, Trump’s return will force Chinese foreign policy to become more flexible toward a range of countries.”